•  
  • Betrifft

    Hoffnung

    Kommentar
    Meine Cousine Rosa hat das heute geschrieben:
    "Heute ist ein wichtiger Tag für alle brasilianischen Bürger, auch für diejenigen, die im Ausland leben. Da ich nicht mit den Mitbürgern, Freunden, Familie mitmarschieren kann, stelle ich diese bescheidene Tasche mit unserer Fahne auf dem Geländer meines Balkons in meiner pariser Wohnung aus. Als Form meiner Teilnahme an dieser Demonstration, zusammen mit all denen, die inbrünstig wünschen, dass sich dieser von der Natur selbst erschaffener Riese von seiner prachtvollen Wiege erhebt und seinen beschützenden Blick hoffnungbringend auf unsere Kinder und künftige Generationen heute und morgen richtet. Brasilien ist ein vielfältiges Ganzes, und diese Vielfalt stellt unser wahres Reichtum dar."

     " Hoje dia importante para todos os cidadãos brasileiros, inclusive, para os que moram fora. Como não estarei caminhando com o povo, os amigos, a familia, coloco esta modesta sacola com a nossa bandeira na sacada do meu domicílio parisiense. Para fazer parte de todos que querem ardentemente que este gigante pela própria natureza se erga do seu berço esplêndido e olhe para o presente e futuro com esperança para nossos filhos e as próximas gerações. O Brasil é um todo, com muitas diversidades o que faz a nossa verdadeira riqueza. "
    VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 13 Mär. 16, 13:30
    Kommentar
    http://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2016-03/br...
    Man versteht in diesen Tagen nicht, warum sich Leute noch für House of Cards interessieren. Kriegen sie keine Nachrichten aus der brasilianischen Politik? Das Land hat in diesen Tagen eine Rekordzahl politischer Intrigen anzubieten. Es gibt einen Staatsanwalt, der einen Ex-Präsidenten in Untersuchungshaft stecken will, dessen halbe Führungsmannschaft bereits hinter Gittern sitzt. Einen Parlamentspräsidenten, der Bestechungsgelder in Millionenhöhe auf Schweizer Konten geparkt haben soll, aber dennoch im Amt bleibt und andere Politiker mit Korruptionsvorwürfen entmachten will. Und es gibt Straßendemos, auf denen die Leute eine Rückkehr in die Militärdiktatur fordern. Sie sagen: In einem solch maroden politischen System sei eh alles egal.

    Mehr in dem Link oben



    Mehr als drei Millionen Brasilianer haben am Sonntag in mehreren Städten für die Absetzung von Präsidentin Dilma Rousseff demonstriert. Allein in São Paulo, einer Hochburg der Opposition, gingen nach Polizeiangaben 1,4 Millionen Menschen auf die Straße. Weitere Demonstrationen fanden in der Hauptstadt Brasília und in Dutzenden anderen Städten des Landes statt. Überall machten die Menschen lauthals ihrem Ärger über eine riesige Korruptionsaffäre um den Ölkonzern Petrobras sowie die schlimmste Rezession in Brasilien seit Jahrzehnten Luft.

    Mehr in dem Link


    Und überhaupt: Scheinbar setzt sich  nur Die Zeit zur Zeit mit Brasilien einigermaßen objektiv auseinander...


    #1VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 15 Mär. 16, 03:26
    Kommentar
    Olá, Carioca, und danke für die Links.

    >>Scheinbar setzt sich nur Die Zeit zur Zeit mit Brasilien einigermaßen objektiv auseinander ...

    Meinst du denn unter den deutschen Zeitungen oder überhaupt? Falls du detailreichere Artikel aus Brasilien selbst empfehlen kannst, nur her damit, und danke im Voraus.

    Hier in den USA ist Brasilien natürlich, was die Nachrichten betrifft, den USA-Wahlen (*gnagnagna*), Syrien (ISIL, Libyen, dem Jemen, dem Irak, der Türkei ...), Nordkorea, Migranten/Terroristen in Europa usw. gegenüber eher fünft- oder sechstrangig. Aber über die Demonstrationen vom 13. März wurde durchaus berichtet, sowie schon seit Jahren über den Petrobrás-Korruptionsskandal, der anscheinend hydraartig nur immer mehr wächst -- und eigentlich mehrere Parteien getroffen hat, wenn auch hauptsächlich die PT.

    Einige von den Zeitungsberichten haben durchaus erwähnt, dass viele Demonstranten, insbesondere in Rio und S. P., anscheinend eher aus den wohlhabenderen Gesellschaftsschichten kommen. Ob das denn deiner Erfahrung nach in etwa stimmt, oder eher nicht? Ich habe ja mitbekommen, dass du mit dem Bus zur Arbeit pendelst, also ich nehme mal an, dass du keinen Rolls-Royce fährst. Und ich verstehe auch, dass die Inflation schlecht für alle ist, Punkt, Ende.

    Aber trotzdem ... muss ich mich eigentlich auch fragen, ob z.B. eine arme Schwangere aus einer Zika-Gegend im Nordosten es sich wohl leisten könnte, nach Paris umzuziehen, um dort empört eine Flagge auf dem Balkon auszuhängen. Räumst du denn nicht wenigstens ein, dass die PT sich für Bildung, Gesundheitsfürsorge usw. eingesetzt hat?

    Ein Zeitungsartikel, ich erinnere mich leider nicht mehr wovon, hat sogar berichtet, einige Demonstranten hätten sogar lieber die Diktatur wieder. Das hat mich ehrlich gesagt erstaunt, um nicht erschreckt zu sagen. Glaubst du denn, so eine Einstellung wäre weitverbreitet? Falls ja, würde ich das nicht unbedingt als 'Hoffnung' beschreiben.

    Aber ich würde das lieber von persönlich Beteiligten erfahren, daher frage ich ja. Danke nochmals im Voraus. (-:



    #2Verfasserhm -- us (236141) 17 Mär. 16, 06:05
    Kommentar
     hm -- us: Siehe PM! Für das schlechte Deutsch bitte ich um Nachsicht. Ich habe mich echauffiert! :-D
    #3VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 17 Mär. 16, 17:14
    Kommentar
    Himmel, man kann kaum eine Minute vom Fernsehen weg, schon passiert wieder was! Es brodelt bei uns.
    Heute:
    Posse de Lula é suspensa após decisão judicial
    Auch lesenswert:
    Logo após cerimônia no Palácio do Planalto, o juiz Itagiba Catta Preta, da 4ª Vara Federal de Brasília, suspendeu a posse do ex-presidente na Casa Civil. AGU já recorreu da decisão. Três ministros do Supremo vão dividir relatoria: Teori Zavascki, Gilmar Mendes e Marco Aurélio Mello



    Jeder gegen jeden, niemand für das Volk
    Finstere Politmanöver, ein Volkstribun auf der Flucht vor der Justiz, eine abgehörte Präsidentin, Demos: Die Brasilianer haben jedes Vertrauen in ihre Politiker verloren.
    Von Thomas Fischermann, Rio de Janeiro
    17. März 2016, 13:44 Uhr 20 Kommentare

    Die Präsidentin und ihr Kabinettschef in Sträflingskleidung, gezeigt auf einer Demonstration am vergangenen Sonntag in Rio de Janeiro© Christophe Simon/AFP/Getty Images
    Inhalt
     
    Berichte zur politischen Lage in Brasilien schreibt man am besten vor dem Morgengrauen. Dann schlafen die Handelnden nämlich noch oder sie stecken in irgendwelchen Geheimsitzungen – jedenfalls ändert sich die Lage nicht alle paar Minuten komplett, sodass man seinen Text ganz von vorne beginnen muss.
    So war es in Brasilien am Mittwoch. Das Land erlebte an einem einzigen Tag so viele finstere Intrigen und dramatische Wendungen, dass Fernsehserien wie House of Cards im Vergleich wohl endgültig einpacken können. 


    Der Tag begann damit, dass Brasiliens Präsidentin Dilma Rousseff ihren Amtsvorgänger Lula da Silva, einen alten Haudegen aus der Gewerkschaftsbewegung, zum Kabinettschef machte. Sie brauche Lula jetzt, sagte sie: Nur der alte Volkstribun und Meisterverhandler könne Brasilien aus der Krise helfen. Die Wirtschaft des Landes schrumpft dramatisch, Arbeitslosigkeit breitet sich aus, die Menschen ziehen in Massenprotesten auf die Straße. Die Oppositions- und Regierungsparteien sind so verfeindet, dass der politische Betrieb in Brasília seit Monaten kaum noch läuft.
    Bloß ist da noch das pikante Detail, dass Lula da Silva zur Zeit von Staatsanwälten gejagt wird und von einem extrem motivierten Richter namens Sergio Moro, der sich zum Schreck der korrupten Politiker des Landes erklärt hat. Die Beweislage gegen Lula da Silva scheint bisher nicht sonderlich gut zu sein. Moro und andere Strafverfolger werfen ihm vor, Wohnungen heimlich zu besitzen und Geschenke großer Baufirmen in Millionenhöhe entgegengenommen zu haben. Allerdings hat Moro sich bisher viel um Politiker der Regierungspartei gekümmert, wie zum Beispiel um Lula, und weniger um Oppositionspolitiker wie die beiden konservativen Politstars Aécio Neves und Eduardo Cunha, die durch Zeugenaussagen und Indizien schwer belastet werden. Seine Kritiker werfen Moro deshalb Parteilichkeit vor, eine Kampagne gar.
    Lula hat Moro erst mal vom Hals
    Praktisch für Lula da Silva: Mit dem Ministeramt hat er den Richter erst mal vom Hals. Die Korruptionsvorwürfe werden zwar weiter untersucht, aber nur noch vom obersten Gericht des Landes, weil ein Regierungsposten Immunität verleiht. Solche Verfahren beim obersten Gericht können sich sehr, sehr lange hinziehen.
    Das war der Stand in Brasilien bis Mittwochnachmittag. Ganz sauber klang das alles nicht, nicht wirklich würdig einer demokratischen Weltmacht in spe. Aber da waren die großen Bomben noch gar nicht geplatzt.
    Gegen Abend liefen plötzlich im Fernsehen Mitschnitte aus Telefongesprächen zwischen Lula da Silva und Dilma Rousseff. Sie waren am gleichen Tag aufgenommen worden – heimlich von der Polizei und auf Geheiß des Richters Moro. Dann wurden sie den Medien zugespielt, insbesondere dem O-Globo-Konzern, dessen Chefs noch nie besonders zufrieden mit Dilma Rousseff, Lula da Silva und ihrer Arbeiterpartei waren.
    Zusammenschnitte der recht zahlreichen und langen Aufzeichnungen schienen zu zeigen, dass Lula und Dilma miteinander konspirieren und dass Dilma ihrem Verbündeten schon vorab die Ministerpapiere zukommen ließ, damit er sie vorzeigen könne, falls die Polizei an seine Tür klopfen und ihn abführen wolle, mit Verweis auf seine Immunität. Doch auf einen zweiten, nüchternen Blick enthalten die Gesprächsaufzeichnungen womöglich gar nichts wahrhaft Inkriminierendes. Darüber ist jetzt ein Streit unter Rechtsexperten entbrannt.
    Die veröffentlichten Auszüge, durch Medien recht aggressiv zusammenschnitten, lösten jedenfalls Massenproteste in mehreren brasilianischen Städten aus: Die Menschen zogen mit Vuvuzelas und Töpfen, die sie gegeneinander schlugen, durch die Gegend und in Brasília selber versuchten aufgebrachte Brasilianer, ins Gebäude der Nationalversammlung einzudringen. Die Bilder der Nacht zeigen Polizeitruppen, die mit Schilden und Tränengas das Volk fernhalten und damit eine Regierung stützen, die sämtliches Vertrauen der Bürger verloren hat.
    Das Problem ist, dass die Sache mit dem Vertrauensverlust nun auch für sämtliche andere Instanzen in diesem Land gilt. Das fängt bei dem Richter und Chef-Korruptionsbekämpfer Moro an: Telefongespräche zwischen der Präsidentin und Lula da Silva zu veröffentlichen, entweder aktiv oder es zumindest zu dulden, kann kaum etwas mit strafrechtlicher Aufklärung zu tun haben. Das sieht eher nach einem Racheakt aus oder nach einer außergewöhnlich parteilichen Einflussnahme auf die öffentliche Meinung. Seit Mittwochabend haben sich etliche Juristen zu Wort gemeldet und rechtliche Schritte gegen den Richter selber gefordert.
    Der völlige Vertrauensverlust betrifft genauso die Opposition. Im größten Bestechungsskandal der brasilianischen Geschichte, der "Lava Jato" genannt wird und seit Monaten von Richter Moro und anderen untersucht wird, sind inzwischen fast sämtliche Spitzen der Oppositionsparteien verwickelt.
    Erst am Dienstag noch beschuldigte ein Kronzeuge der Anklage, ein ehemaliger Spitzenpolitiker der Regierungspartei und prominenter Senator, mehr als 70 Politiker des Landes unlauterer Geschäfte und Hinterziehungen. Allen voran: der um ein Haar unterlegene Kandidat der konservativen Opposition bei der jüngsten Präsidentschaftswahl, der wirtschaftsliberale Pragmatiker und landesweit bekannte Playboy Aécio Neves. Und der Chef des Abgeordnetenhauses, ein politischer Meisterspieler, der seit Monaten ein Amtsenthebungsverfahren gegen die Präsidentin Rousseff betreibt – obwohl gegen ihn selber zunehmend erdrückende Beweise rings um Nummernkonten in der Schweiz und schwer erklärbare Zahlungen in Millionenhöhe vorliegen.
    Jetzt strömen die brasilianischen Demonstranten wieder auf die Straßen: Zum Wochenende hin dürfte ihre Zahl noch zunehmen. Wogegen sie demonstrieren, wissen sie sehr genau: gegen ein politisches System, das seine Glaubwürdigkeit fast völlig verloren hat. Eine Minderheit fordert bereits, dass das Militär zurückkehren soll, dass es wieder wie vor 1985 werden solle, als Diktatur im Lande herrschte und Dilma Rousseff in einem Folterkeller saß. Die Mehrheit im Land weiß hingegen schlicht nicht mehr, für wen oder was sie demonstrieren soll.

    #4VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 18 Mär. 16, 01:52
    Kommentar
    Pressestimmen aus D zum Thema :

    makroBericht vom Freitag, 18. März 2016
    Brasilien: Präsidentendämmerung
    Der Name klingt harmlos: Autowäsche. Gemeint ist der größte Korruptionsskandal in Brasiliens Geschichte. Er treibt Millionen auf die Straße, vereint im Zorn. Und ein Heiliger verliert seinen Schein.
    #5Verfasserno me bré (700807) 18 Mär. 16, 21:55
    Kommentar
    http://g1.globo.com/politica/noticia/2016/03/...
    O ministro do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) Gilmar Mendes suspendeu nesta sexta-feira (17) a nomeação para a Casa Civil do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, que tomou posse nesta quinta (16). A decisão foi proferida em ação apresentada pelo PSDB e pelo PPS.
    Na decisão, o ministro afirma ter visto intenção de Lula em fraudar as investigações sobre ele na Operação Lava Jato. O petista ainda pode recorrer da decisão ao plenário do Supremo.
    Além de suspender a nomeação de Lula, Gilmar Mendes também determinou, na mesma decisão, que a investigação do ex-presidente seja mantida com o juiz federal Sérgio Moro, responsável pela Lava Jato na primeira instância judicial.
    O ex-presidente Lula tomou posse nesta quinta-feira (17), pouco antes de 10h40, como novo ministro-chefe da Casa Civil em cerimônia no Palácio do Planalto, ao lado da presidente Dilma Rousseff. Cerca de uma hora depois, o juiz federal Itagiba Catta Preta Neto, da 4ª Vara do Distrito Federal, suspendeu a posse por meio de uma decisão liminar (provisória).
    Outras decisões semelhantes, em outras Varas de Justiça, também foram proferidas e cassadas por Tribunais Federais. Com a decisão de Gilmar Mendes, acaba o impasse de decisões divergentes nas instâncias inferiores da Justiça.
    "O objetivo da falsidade é claro: impedir o cumprimento de ordem de prisão de juiz de primeira instância. Uma espécie de salvo conduto emitida pela Presidente da República", afirma Gilmar na decisão.
    "Pairava cenário que indicava que, nos próximos desdobramentos, o ex-Presidente poderia ser implicado em ulteriores investigações, preso preventivamente e processado criminalmente. A assunção de cargo de Ministro de Estado seria uma forma concreta de obstar essas consequências. As conversas interceptadas com autorização da 13ª Vara Federal de Curitiba apontam no sentido de que foi esse o propósito da nomeação", diz o ministro em outro trecho.
    Críticas de Gilmar Mendes à nomeação
    O ministro Gilmar Mendes já havia criticado duramente na última quarta-feira (16) a nomeação do ex-presidente para a chefia da Casa Civil, afirmando que a iniciativa seria uma fuga do petista da investigação da Lava Jato em Curitiba.

    Em meio ao julgamento do recurso da Câmara à decisão do rito de impeachment, o magistrado ressaltou que a nomeação do ex-presidente para o primeiro escalão deixa "muito mal" a Suprema Corte.

    Já na quinta, o ministro do Supremo também afirmou que a conversa entre a presidente Dilma Rousseff e o ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva interceptada pela Operação Lava Jato pode caracterizar crime de responsabilidade, o que poderia embasar um processo de impeachment.
    “Se houver avaliação de que se trata de medida para descredenciar a Justiça, obstrução de Justiça certamente está nos tipos de crime de responsabilidade. Pode ter outros dispositivos aplicáveis da legislação penal”, afirmou Mendes.
    A fala da presidente foi gravada numa interceptação telefônica autorizada e divulgada nesta quarta-feira pelo juiz Sérgio Moro, dentro das investigações da Lava Jato.
    Segundo investigadores, o diálogo sugere que a presidente atuou para impedir a prisão de Lula, que é investigado na operação. Em diversos trechos da decisão de suspender a nomeação de Lula, Gilmar Mendes cita conversas interceptadas no telefone do ex-presidente.
    Sobre a conversa entre Dilma e Lula, na qual a presidente diz ao ex-presidente para só usar o termo de posse "em caso de necessidade", o ministro afirma que "a conduta demonstra não apenas os elementos objetivos do desvio de finalidade, mas também a intenção de fraudar."
    Investigações
    De acordo com o Ministério Público Federal (MPF), Lula é investigado por haver indícios de que ele cometeu os crimes de corrupção e lavagem de dinheiro oriundo de desvios da Petrobras, praticados por meio de pagamentos dissimulados feitos por José Carlos Bumlai e pelas construtoras OAS e Odebrecht.
    Há evidências, segundo o MPF, de que o ex-presidente recebeu valores oriundos do esquema descoberto na Petrobras por meio de um apartamento triplex do Condomínio Solaris, no Guarujá (SP).

    Leiam também:
    #6VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 19 Mär. 16, 03:32
    Kommentar
    Brasilien: Richter blockiert Lulas Amtsantritt als Kabinettschef
    Das Machtspiel in Brasilien geht weiter: Ein Richter entschied, dass Lula kein Stabschef werden darf. Das Amt gäbe dem Ex-Präsidenten Immunität gegen Korruptionsvorwürfe.
    19. März 2016, 0:05 Uhr / Aktualisiert am 19. März 2016, 3:07 Uhr Quelle: ZEIT ONLINE, AFP, rtr, dpa, asd, ces2 Kommentare

    Die brasilianische Präsident Dilma Rousseff mit dem ehemaligen Präsidenten Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva© Fernando Bizerra Jr/ dpa
    Für wenige Stunden sah es so aus als dürfe der frühere brasilianische Präsident Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva doch Kabinettschef seiner Nachfolgerin Dilma Rousseff werden. Das hatte das Büro des Generalstaatsanwalts am Freitagabend (Ortszeit) mitgeteilt. Eine zweite Unterlassungsverfügung, die Lulas Ernennung von Mittwoch blockierte, wurde vor Gericht abgewiesen. Kurz darauf verhinderte der Richter am Obersten Gericht, Gilmar Mendes, Lulas Amtsantritt.
    Mendes ordnete zudem die Wiederaufnahme von Korruptionsermittlungen durch ein normales Strafgericht an. Gegen das Urteil kann noch beim Obersten Gericht in seiner vollen Besetzung Berufung eingelegt werden.
    Als Kabinettschef wäre Lula gegen Korruptionsvorwürfe immun


    Viele Brasilianer sind in den vergangenen Monaten gegen Lula auf die Straßen gezogen. Sie kritisieren vor allem, dass der 70-Jährige durch die neue Aufgabe weitgehende Immunität erhalten würde. Damit ist er vor einer Klage der Staatsanwaltschaft wegen Geldwäsche und Betrug im Zusammenhang mit dem Schmiergeldskandal beim Ölkonzern Petrobras geschützt. In Brasilien kann nur der Oberste Gerichtshof gegen Minister vorgehen.
    Zuvor war der Richter Sérgio Moro zuständig, der nach Veröffentlichung von Telefon-Mitschnitten Lulas von anderen Juristen kritisiert wurde. Er gilt als Lulas persönlicher Gegner. In dem Fall geht es unter anderem um eine mögliche Begünstigung durch einen Baukonzern bei einem Apartment am Atlantik. Lula bestreitet dies und sieht sich vorverurteilt.
    Lula übernahm sein Amt am Donnerstag bei einer Zeremonie im Präsidentenpalast, an der seine und Roussefs Anhänger teilnahmen. Er sagte, seine Gegner hätten die Wahlniederlage von 2014 immer noch nicht verwunden. Die Regierung betont, sein Wechsel in die Regierung sei keine Flucht vor dem Zugriff der Justiz.
    Lula, der selbst von 2003 bis 2011 Präsident war, soll seiner Nachfolgerin politische Rückendeckung geben.  Gegen Rousseff läuft ein Amtsenthebungsverfahren; die Opposition wirft ihr vor, Haushaltszahlen geschönt und ihren Wahlkampf illegal finanziert zu haben.
    Hunderttausende demonstrieren – dieses Mal für die Regierung
    In mehr als 30 Städten demonstrierten Hunderttausende unter roten Fahnen für die umstrittene Präsidentin und ihren Vorgänger. "Es wird keinen Putsch geben", rief Lula in São Paulo den Anhängern zu. Dort beteiligten sich nach Angaben der Organisatoren bis zu 250.000 Menschen, andere Quellen sprachen von 95.000 Demonstranten. Das Portal Folha S. Paulo berichtete von Kundgebungen in 22 Bundesstaaten. Dazu aufgerufen hatten Gewerkschaften und die seit 2003 regierende Arbeiterpartei von Rousseff.
    In São Paulo ging die Polizei mit Wasserwerfern und Blendgranaten gegen ein Protestcamp von Roussef-Gegnern vor. Die Beamten trieben 150 Demonstranten auseinander, die seit rund zwei Tagen vor dem Gebäude der Industrievereinigung FIESP campierten. Weil FIESP die linksgerichtete Präsidentin offen ablehnt, wurde der Sitz der Vereinigung inzwischen zu einem Zentrum der Protestbewegung.

    Die Staatschefin ist politisch äußerst angeschlagen, Massenproteste gegen sie dauern seit Tagen an. Am Sonntag waren etwa drei Millionen Gegner auf die Straßen gegangen. Am Donnerstag setzte das Parlament eine Sonderkommission ein, die ein Amtsenthebungsverfahren gegen die Präsidentin prüfen soll.
    Rousseff wird unter anderem für die schlimmste Rezession in Brasilien seit Jahrzehnten verantwortlich gemacht. Darüber hinaus gibt es weitreichende Korruptionsvorwürfe, vor allem in Verbindung mit dem Ölkonzern Petrobras. Die Zustimmungswerte der linksgerichteten Präsidentin liegen bei knapp zehn Prozent. Rund 60 Prozent der Brasilianer sind für ihre Amtsenthebung.
    #7VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 19 Mär. 16, 03:56
    Kommentar
    http://br.blastingnews.com/brasil/2016/03/nao...

    New York Times 'esculacha' presidente em editorial: 'ridícula'.
    Um dos jornais de maior credibilidade do planeta, o 'New York Times', publicou nesta sexta-feira, 18, um editorial criticando a presidente do Brasil Dilma Rousseff por conta das explicações para nomear Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva como Ministro da Casa Civil. A publicação feita pelo jornal americano começou a ganhar grande repercussão neste sábado, 19. Brasileiros contrários ao governo compartilharam o texto em inglês e lembraram que petistas tem acusado o maior grupo de comunicação do país, as Organizações Globo, de tentarem dar o que chama de "golpe". 
    O editorial do 'The New York Times' foi considerado muito duro, já que diz que Dilma Rousseff está lutando como pode para conseguir se manter no governo e evitar o seu impeachment, e que surpreende ainda mais o fato dela achar que teria muitos apoiadores na política e nas ruas ao indicar Lula para o Ministério, que mais tarde foi contestada diversas vezes na justiça. Uma decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal, o STF, assinada por Gilmar Mendes, retirou pela última vez o cargo empossado por Lula. Ainda cabe recurso do ex-presidente. 
    O jornal americano ainda critica o fato de Dilma nomear Lula para o principal cargo do governo e explicando isso apenas com os dizeres de que ele seria capaz de acabar com todas as crises que passa o país. Nesse momento, o 'New York Times' chama a explicação da presidente de "ridícula". O editorial não repercutiu só aqui no Brasil, mas em todo mundo, onde a crise política do país é dada como manchete de primeira página. 
    Ao nomear Lula, para o jornal dos Estados Unidos, Dilma acabou construindo uma nova crise, que pode acabar sendo a pior delas, a quebra de confiança sobre o julgamento da presidente para o futuro do Brasil. A publicação ainda acusa Rousseff e o "quase" Ministro da Casa Civil de estarem fugindo do julgamento de Lula, fazendo o cargo ter como único sentido o protecionismo a Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. O jornal lembra que pelo menos 50 autoridades da política estão envolvidas no escândalo da Lava Jato. 
    #8VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 20 Mär. 16, 02:22
    Kommentar
    http://blogs.oglobo.globo.com/miriam-leitao/p...
    18/03/2016 08:30

    PAÍS EM CHAMAS de Míriam Leitão

    Com o país conflagrado, a presidente Dilma fez um discurso incendiário, usando o Palácio do Planalto como se fosse escritório partidário e o clima, obviamente, se elevou mais. A presidente Dilma falou em “conjuração” e afirmou que “é assim que começam os golpes”. O vocábulo “golpe” serve como palavra de ordem para militância, mas na boca de um chefe de governo passa a ter extrema gravidade.
    A reação dos juízes e procuradores foi imediata, com a leitura de manifestos em que explicaram que a Operação Lava-Jato não é apenas o juiz Sérgio Moro, mas o Judiciário ao qual se pode recorrer das decisões do próprio Moro, além do Ministério Público. Eu entrevistei em Curitiba para meu programa na GloboNews os procuradores Deltan Dallagnol e Carlos Fernando Lima. Eles mostraram que já esperavam este tipo de reação às investigações.
    — Estamos vendo aumentar as acusações de abusos nas investigações exatamente como aconteceu na Itália depois de três anos da Operação Mãos Limpas. Essas acusações nunca se comprovaram, mas serviram para reduzir o apoio da opinião pública à operação e permitir uma reação do sistema corrupto. Foram aprovadas leis contra a investigação. Uma delas proibia a prisão preventiva por corrupção, que foi chamada de ‘salva ladrões’. Este é o risco que nós corremos, de que surjam acusações infundadas que tirem o prestígio da operação para permitir a reação do sistema.
    Ontem Deltan e os outros procuradores foram para a frente do Ministério Público Federal no Paraná para ler um manifesto em defesa da operação. A Associação dos Juízes Federais também fez leituras de manifesto. A presidente disse que o país está atravessando a perigosa fronteira do estado de exceção. Os juízes e procuradores responderam que estamos sob o império da lei.
    Dilma chamou de grampo ilegal o que foi escuta autorizada. Chamou de vazamentos o que é suspensão do sigilo. O juiz Sérgio Moro tem explicado, a cada momento que, nos processos, a publicidade tem que ser a regra, a menos que seja decretado segredo de justiça. Se Dilma considerar que seus direitos constitucionais foram feridos pode e deve recorrer à própria Justiça, e não usar o Palácio do Planalto para uma posse-comício em que ataca como inconstitucionais atos que estão sendo referendados nas instâncias superiores.
    Há uma batalha judicial em curso e o país vai travá-la porque o sistema político polarizado não tem sido capaz de organizar suas desavenças. Cada lado coloca seus argumentos. Dilma pode fazer a defesa ardorosa do seu ponto de vista, mas com algumas ressalvas. Se está convencida de que começou um "golpe" precisa alertar todos os poderes constituídos. Não pode falar apenas para a sua militância e dentro da sede do governo.
    O Palácio é do povo. O governante é um mero inquilino que lá é colocado temporariamente pelo eleitor. A posse de Lula transformou o Planalto em um palanque extemporâneo no qual Dilma fez um discurso inadequado no tom e no conteúdo.
    A Operação Lava-Jato completou dois anos ontem, dia 17 de março, e nesse meio tempo ela conseguiu mais do que qualquer outra investigação em valores tangíveis e intangíveis. O país recuperou R$ 2,9 bilhões, a maior parte disso devolvido à Petrobras, da qual foi surrupiado um valor muito maior com o conluio de políticos do atual governo. No plano intangível o Brasil está construindo, a duras penas, a barreira moral que impedirá os absurdos que o país tem visto e ouvido nos últimos tempos. Até agora foram acusadas 180 pessoas, 70 já foram condenadas a penas que somam 900 anos de prisão. Já foram cumpridas 500 ordens de busca e apreensão e fechadas 100 cooperações internacionais com 30 países.
    O dia terminou com duas derrotas para o governo. A posse de Lula foi suspensa por liminar e a Câmara elegeu a Comissão do Impeachment. Como sinal dos turbulentos tempos atuais, no comando desse processo, nesta primeira etapa, está um réu da Lava-Jato e na segunda etapa estará um investigado da Lava-Jato. O procurador Deltan me disse que o que mais o preocupa é que "personalizem" o combate à corrupção em uma pessoa ou um partido. "Se queremos mudar essa realidade temos que nos concentrar nas mudanças das leis".
    #9VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 20 Mär. 16, 12:41
    Kommentar
    #10VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 23 Mär. 16, 19:08
    Kommentar
    Olá todo o mundo.

    (Ou seja, Carioca e no me ... *schlappindiekleinerundewink* Onde é que ficarão os demais?)

    Eu não quero soltar outra discussão política tão acalorada, mas eu sigo tentando seguir os acontecimentos no Brasil, tanto com curiosidade como com inquietude.

    E às vezes com perguntas. Uma menos controversa (oxalá):

    Como se pronuncia esta bonita palavra tão ur-portuguesa *g* "impeachment"? Não será por acaso /im-pi-chi-men-ti/ , ou quê? (Infelizmente eu não ouço nada do Linguatec no diccionario LEO.)

    Obrigada de antemão.

    #11Verfasserhm -- us (236141) 12 Apr. 16, 07:53
    Kommentar
    Das ist eine witzige Frage. In der Tat, die Leute haben das in "impítchmã" verwandelt.
    Von einer holländischen Freudin übersetzt:
    Brazil impeachment update:
    In a very lively session with lots of shouting and exalted speeches, the Special Commission approves the report justifying starting impeachment proceedings against President Dilma Roussef and taking the vote to the plenary.
    Next step: see if there is a two-thirds majority (342 votes) to take the recommendation to start proceedings to the Senate. This vote will take place on April 17th (yes on a Sunday).
    So going to be a tense week as there is no two-thirds majority (but getting close) and both sides will be doing their best to win over the indecisive and try to influence the voices in the streets through press and other channels.
    #12VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 12 Apr. 16, 16:32
    Kommentar
    I wanted to link to several recent articles in the New York Times about the Brazilian political crisis, but unfortunately I couldn't find any links online except this one:

    http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/16/world/ameri...

    So here are some excerpts, in case anyone is interested.

    "Trying to Oust Brazil Leader: Graft Suspects
    Legislators are facing their own scandals"
    by Simon Romero and Vinod Sreeharsha
    New York Times
    Friday, April 15, 2016
    Paulo Maluf ... is so badly besieged by his own graft scandals that his constitutents often describe him with the slogan "Rouba mas faz." ...
    ... 84, a former São Paulo mayor who faces charges in the United States that he stole more than $11.6 million in a kickback scheme. ...
    "Dilma may have dug her own grave by not delivering on what she promised, but she is untainted in a political realm smeared with excrement from top to bottom," said Mario Sergio Conti, a columnist for the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo. "She didn't steal, but a gang of thieves is judging her." ...
    ... she is not facing charges of graft. Instead, she is accused of using money from giant public banks to cover budget gaps ...
    Ms. Rousseff, then, is something of a rarity among Brazil's major political figures: She has not been accused of stealing for herself.
    Eduardo Cunha, the powerful speaker of the lower house ..., is going on trial ... on charges that he pocketed as much as $40 million in bribes. ... an evangelical Christian radio commentator and economist who regularly issues Twitter messages quoting from the Bible, is accused of laundering the gains through an evangelical megachurch.
    Vice President Michel Temer ... has been accused of involvement in an illegal ethanol-producing scheme.
    Renan Calheiros, the Senate leader ... is under investigation over claims that he received bribes ... Petrobras ... He has also been accused of tax evasion ...
    ... 60 percent of the 594 members of Brazil's Congress face serious charges like bribery, electoral fraud, illegal deforestation, kidnapping and homicide, according to Transparency Brazil, a corruption-monitoring group. ...
    Eder Mauro ... is facing charges of torture and extortion ...
    Beto Mansur ... is charged with keeping 46 workers at his soybean farms in Goiás State in conditions ... like modern-day slaves. ...
    Graphic photos even circulated this month of prostitutes operating in a wing of Congress ...
    Mr. Maluf ... spent weeks in jail a decade ago on charges of money laundering and tax evasion. ...
    Scholars note the sweeping legal protections enjoyed by about 700 senior officials ... Only the Supreme Federal Tribunal can try them, producing years of appeals and delays.
    "Winning election to Congress is a license to steal for certain figures," said Sylvio Costa, the founder of Congresso em Foco, a watchdog group ...
    One prominent supporter of Ms. Rousseff is Fernando Collor de Mello, the disgraced former president who resigned in 1992 over an influence-peddling scandal. ...


    "Leader's Fate Strains the Ties Binding Brazil"
    by Andrew Jacobs
    New York Times
    Saturday, April 16, 2016
    The wall, nearly a mile of corrugated metal, plunges down the center of the majestic lawn that faces Brazil's National Congress ...
    It ... is meant to separate the hundreds of thousands of protesters expected to descend on Brasília ... this weekend ...
    Brazilian politics is a blood sport at the best of times, but the battle over Ms. Rousseff's impeachment is ... cleaving families, turning friends into enemies and transforming children into unwitting surrogates for the warring sides. Social media has been flooded with venom ...
    ... a saleswoman from São Paulo ... recalled a recent day when she decided to go to work in a red tank top. Red is the color associated with Ms. Rousseff's Workers' Party.
    As she rode in a crowded subway car, several passengers began to elbow her while hissing "petralha," a pejorative for party stalwarts. ...
    ... teachers at one school in São Paulo were alarmed when a child drew a picture of Ms. Rousseff hanging by a noose. ...
    The most searing rancor often finds expression on Facebook, where Brazilians' postings about pets and food have been almost entirely supplanted by political shouting matches. ...
    ... those who study the growing polarization say much of the fury is confined to older, middle-class professionals.
    Pablo Ortellado, a professor at the University of São Paulo who studies protest movements in Brazil, said a recent survey he conducted showed that working-class Brazilians and people under 35 had largely stayed away from the political rallies ...
    ... he felt optimistic that younger Brazilians would one day be less dogmatic about party politics. ...
    ... the wall ... was already festooned with posters comparing it to the Berlin Wall.


    _________________

    I'm embarrassed and ashamed that the Brazilian crisis only gets about a 30-second report on our national TV news programs every day. Yes, there are earthquakes in Japan, refugees in Greece, missile tests in North Korea, kidnapped children in Africa, and above all political candidates in the US. But still.

    I don't know what else I can do except try to help raise awareness. There's obviously no easy answer, but it seems to me that getting rid of the rule about the Supreme Court ought to be step number 1. Couldn't both sides at least agree on that? What would happen if massive street protests from both sides -- on both sides of the wall -- could at least pressure legislators to end their own de facto immunity from prosecution?
    #13Verfasserhm -- us (236141) 17 Apr. 16, 10:11
    Kommentar
    Eu peço disculpas por postar tanto em inglês, mas já que aparentemente ninguem segue este fio exceto a Carioca, a no me bré e eu mesma, acho que é razoável.

    I'm still trying to pick up news about Brazil. Apparently the vote Sunday went against Dilma, unsurprisingly. More background ...

    _______________


    "Former Supporters of Brazil's Embattled President Express Disillusionment"
    by Andrew Jacobs
    New York Times
    Sunday, April 17
    ... it is hard to find much support here among the working-class voters who were once bedrock supporters of the Workers' Party, the left-wing group that stood up to the nation's military rulers a generation ago ...
    According to a recent poll by Datafolha, a research institute, Ms. Rousseff's approval among the poorest Brazilians has dropped to 16 prcent, down from 50 percent in December 2014. ...
    "Everything has gotten worse -- job opportunities, health care and crime," said Helen Brandão, who was selling sandwiches, candy and bottled water from a food truck ... outside the Chamber of Deputies ...
    Once firmly in the middle class, Ms. Brandão, 30, said she turned to street hawking six months ago after losing her job as a receptionist at a home repair company, which went bankrupt. A mother of three young children, she earns about $340 a month, nearly a quarter of her previous income, and said she had lost her dental insurance and cut back on family vacations. ...
    "It's gotten so bad, there are no doctors in the hospitals," Ms. Brandão said. ...
    From his perch at a reception desk inside the Congress building's entrance hall, Francisco Raimundo Rodrigues has seen it all ...
    "Dilma said she supported the poor, but it was just an illusion," he said. His main complaint: Members of the Workers' Party, he said, repeatedly rejected pay increases for people like himself.
    "... we have to try something new," he said, adding a feel-good slogan popularized by the national soccer team. "Brazilians never give up."

    "Brazilians Demonstrate Social Fissures"
    by Reed Johnson and Luciana Magalhães
    Wall Street Journal
    Thursday, April 14
    São Paulo --
    ... Here in Brazil's largest city, pro-impeachment activists have pitched tents and draped antigovernment banners ... Amongst their props is a gigantic inflatable yellow duck, alluding to a Portuguese expression that roughly translates as, "We won't pay the tab for what isn't our fault."

    Siehe Wörterbuch: pagar o pato
    [Etimologia? ...]

    In Rio de Janeiro on Monday, intellectuals and artists including songsmith Chico Buarque and Leonardo Boff, a social-activist priest, staged a pro-government rally in the bohemian Lapa neighborhood ...
    Punches have been thrown by angry lawmakers on national television. Bloodier altercations have broken out among red-shirted supporters of Ms. Rousseff's leftist Workers' Party and opponents decked out in the yellow-and-green jerseys of the national soccer team. ...
    Although Brazil's social divisions aren't as acute as those in neighboring Venezuela, the roiling discontent and disillusionment have upset the country's self-image as a tolerant and congenial society ...
    Some believe the silver lining ... is that smartphones and social-networking apps have made it easier for ordinary citizens to have a say in the rancorous debate.


    _______________

    Quando Chico Buarque e Leonardo Boff falam, eu sim quero escutar. Mas eu também entendo que neste caso não tem solução fácil.







    #14Verfasserhm -- us (236141) 18 Apr. 16, 10:05
    Kommentar
    Trechos de um editorial num jornal mais de centro-esquerda por um comentarista brasileiro, e de outro num jornal mais de direita por um estrategista de investimentos. Ambos vêem problemas a curto prazo, mas para mim forão informativos alguns detalhes como nomes e números.

    ________________


    "In Brazil, A Cover-Up, Not a Coup"
    by Celso Rocha de Barros
    (political columnist, "Folha de São Paulo")
    New York Times
    Wednesday, April 20, 2016

    ... Bringing down Ms. Rousseff -- even on charges unrelated to the original corruption investigation -- would be a nice season finale to Operation Car Wash: a catharsis of epic proportions. It would also provide corrupt, right-wing politicians, the largest constituency in Congress, with a reprieve from public scrutiny.
    The inspiration for this strategy is Eduardo Cunha, the head of Brazil's lower house, who has led the impeachment charge. At the same time ..., he was being investigated on corruption charges that include money laundering and taking bribes. So far, his strategy of muddying the waters has worked perfectly: the impeachment proceedings have ... shifted the focus away from Mr. Cunha's own legal problems. Many of the members of Congress who voted for impeachment on Sunday are hoping they'll enjoy the same good fortune.
    .... In an interview with BBC Brazil, Deltan Dallagnol, the lead public prosecutor in Operation Car Wash, said he feared a post-impeachment political offensive against the investigation. ...
    Many observers in Brazil also fear that a government led by Mr. Temer, the vice president, could reach an "acordão," or big agreement, with other parties to declaw the investigation. This could be achieved by passing laws that make future anti-corruption initiatives more difficult, or by replacing the people in charge of the Federal Police. ...
    Ms. Rousseff's supporters claim that her impending impeachment is part of a coup. It's not. Legal procedure is being followed, and it seems likely that Mrs. Rousseff broke the law. But that doesn't mean it's right.
    The crisis ... should have been part of Brazil's painful ... process of establishing a functioning judiciary and fighting corruption. ... Far from being the dawn of a new era, it may very well turn out to be the way the old political class reasserts control over the country -- and escapes jail.

    "Impeachment Won't Save Brazil"
    by Ruchir Sharma
    (strategist at Morgan Stanley Investment Management & author of forthcoming book "The Rise and Fall of Nations")
    Wall Street Journal
    Tuesday, April 19, 2016

    ... Since late January, despite the country's crushing recession, Brazilian stocks are up more than 50% in dollar terms ...
    Nations often break out of economic malaise after a crisis ... [when] a charismatic reformer is elected. ....
    While Brazil had a relatively strong run of growth under "Lula," the gains made during his administration (2003-10) have been largely wiped out by the current downturn, now in its third year.
    But the hopes for an economic recovery under "anybody but Dilma" largely overlook what really makes Brazil run -- commodities. ...
    Brazil has been riding the ups and downs of prices for its main exports -- including iron ore, sugar and soybeans -- for more than a century.
    ... since the mid-1980s Brazil has seen its GDP growth rate track commodity prices more closely than any other nation in the world. Brazil's fortunes are so closely tied to the global commodity cycle in part because so little works inside the country. ... some internationally competitive companies in auto parts, aerospace and other industries ... thrive by dodging a growing bureaucracy that smothers the rest.
    Spending by local, regional, and national governments amounts to 41% of Brazil's GDP, ... a scale close to those of much richer European welfare states. Brazilians face the heaviest tax burden of any emerging country ... The widespread sense that they get a lousy return in public services is another reason for mass protests ...
    Under Lula, Brazil ran a consistent surplus, which morphed under Ms. Rousseff into a deficit equal to 10% of GDP, the highest in the world. ...
    ... The budget is very rigid, most of it going to salaries and legally mandated social entitlements ...
    Brazilian men typically retire at age 54 and women at 52, earlier than in any major European country ... On average Brazil pays pensioners 90% of their final salary, compared with an average of 60% in developed countries.
    The basic issue for Brazil is that heavy state spending tends to push up interest rates and borrowing costs ... Brazil has grown more reliant on soybeans, with commodities now accounting for 67% of exports, up from 46% in 2000.

    ________________

    Isso sobre os aposentados me chamou a atenção. A mãe de minha amiga brasileira foi professora numa escola municipal e ela sim se aposentou relativamente cedo, mais ela tem bastantes problemas na economia atual; as filhas tem que ajudá-la com os gastos (as despesas?) de vez em quando. Será que com a inflação, até o 90% do salário prévio não chega, eu suponho. E nossa estimada Carioca não está descontraindo nada na praia.
    #15Verfasserhm -- us (236141) 22 Apr. 16, 04:41
    Kommentar
    Mais um artigo do New York Times, desta vez bastante crítico da Dilma, se por acaso alguém se interessa.

    "Former Allies Say Brazil's Leader Has a Temper That Has Hurt Her"
    by Andrew Jacobs
    New York Times
    Monday, May 2, 2016
    They were idealists, ... against Brazil's military dictators.
    ... One of them, Paulo Ziulkoski, became the leader of an association of Brazilian cities. ...
    During a contentious meeting ... in 2102, Ms. Rousseff rejected pleas for a share of Brazil's soaring oil revenues. After the room erupted in jeers, Mr. Ziulkoski said, she stormed up to him, poked a finger in his face and humiliated him with a string of expletives. ...
    ... many political analysts say Ms. Rousseff's slow-motion downfall can also be tied to an autocratic persona and a go-it-alone work style that has driven away scores of political allies, former staff members and cabinet ministers, many of whom have endured searing episodes of public humiliation. ...
    Siding with her opponents are scores of onetime allies, including five former ministers in her administration, the nation's vice president, and six justices on the Supreme Court who were appointed by Ms. Rousseff or ... Lula ...
    In more than five years in office, Ms. Rousseff has largely refused to meet with members of Congress, both opponents and allies ...
    ... anecdotes include the time she smashed an office computer in anger, her refusal to meet with indigenous leaders or gay rights activists and the castigation of aides for the smallest of infractions. ...
    Some agree that Ms. Rousseff is being judged by a double standard that has unfairly tarnished powerful women around the world ...
    ... Antonia Melo ... described a meeting, when Ms. Rousseff was minister of energy, during which activists hoped to make their case against a contentious dam project in the Amazon.
    Ms. Melo said she had barely finished her first sentence when Ms. Rousseff cut her off, pounded on the table and vowed to press forward with the dam's construction. Then she turned around and left the room. ...
    Friends and associates say Ms. Rousseff's worldview and personality were partly shaped by the three years she was imprisoned by the military, a trauma that included torture like beatings and shocks with an electric baton.
    As president, Ms. Rousseff has refused to seek vengeance against her torturers ...
    "Clearly, [Lula] thought Dilma was somebody he could easily control ... which is pretty ironic given that she's proven to be a disastrous administrator," said [Idelber] Avelar, who now teaches at Tulane University in New Orleans. "The root of all her problems is a profound aversion to politics."
    ... after two years of economic turmoil, her televised speeches prompt a cacophony on the streets, as thousands bang on pots and pans to drown out her voice.
    Few give Ms. Rousseff credit for big achievements, including a landmark freedom of information law and measures that gave federal police and prosecutors new tools to tackle corruption.
    In some ways, ... Ms. Rousseff has become a victim of those laws ...
    "... she put in place the machinery that ensnared the politcians ... ," said Gregory Michener, a professor at Fundação Getúlio Vargas ... "... in the end she wasn't a good politician because in Brazil's rent-seeking party system, she was unwilling to give her allies their fill."
    http://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/02/world/ameri...

    #16Verfasserhm -- us (236141) 03 Mai 16, 08:53
    Kommentar
    Obrigada, hm--us! Sim, o NY Times tem se mostrado bastante crítico em relação à Dilma. E não é sem motivo.
    #17VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 03 Mai 16, 13:29
    Kommentar
    (Se não importa a vocês, eu vou praticar escrever em português um pouco. Oxalá que seja compreensível e sem demasiados erros "portenhois", como dizia sempre minha professora de português, q. e. p. d. Mas como sempre eu estarei agradecida por correções.)

    De fato, Carioca, o NY Times tem feito reportagens críticas sobre vários políticos brasileiros, e a Dilma não é que nada (? at all / überhaupt nicht) o peor. Você já viu o meu link do NY Times na outra discussão (se diz "fio" pra isso ou não?) sobre Jair Bolsonaro, não é?

    Siehe auch: Machismo in Brasilien? - #2

    Eu não posso imaginar que poderia tiver político que mereça crítica mais do que aquele. Brrrrr!!!

    Mas eu sigo buscando mais informação de outras fontes sérias, e (outra vez se não importa a ninguém) sigo postando links em caso de que alguem mais se interesse.

    Eu tenho ouvido e lido reportagens desde o Brasil nas mídias ingleses -- Julia Carneiro com a BBC é boa, Lourdes García Navarro com NPR também, Simon Romero do NY Times, eu não sei quem mais.

    Até agora, a jornalista com a informação mais detalhada, menos superficial, tem sido pra mim Catherine Osborn. (Outra texana, como tenho entendido -- não que eu seria parcial. (-; ) Hoje teve uma reportagem dela no programa de NPR "All Things Considered", sobre a checagem de fatos nas mídias brasileiras. Bem impressionante, se também bem desanimador.

    http://wamu.org/programs/all_things_considere...

    Ela constata que muitas revistas brasileiras e muitos jornais brasileiros que parecem ser jornalísticamente sérios de fato não são mais que tabloides, publicações sensacionalistas, jornalismo popular.

    Alem disso, a maioria dos brasileiros obtem suas notícias não de jornais, nem de revistas, mas da mídia social -- e a maioria dos supostamente "informes" na mídia social, como 60% se bem me recordo, são falsas!

    Mas felizmente ela diz que agora tem também organizações no Brasil que se dedicam à checagem de fatos, e que os brasileiros melhor informados dependem cada vez mais delas, em vez dà mídia social. Ela deu o exemplo do que um desses sitios (desculpem, eu não me lembro qual) tinha mostrado que -- quem mais -- Dilma teve 35 vezes mais (em?) "pedaladas fiscais" que Cardoso e Lula juntos. Outro fato impressionante e desanimador.

    Eu ainda não posso nem queiro avaliar, mais aqui ums links que poderiam ser úteis.

    http://aosfatos.org/
    http://congressoemfoco.uol.com.br/
    http://apublica.org/truco/
    http://apublica.org/truco-no-congresso/
    http://www.lupa.news/
    http://blogs.oglobo.globo.com/preto-no-branco/

    "Data Journalism and the Value of Making Source Data Public"
    Sérgio Spagnuolo, Volt Data Lab
    17 de abril de 2016
    (artigo em inglês, mas com bastantes links úteis)
    https://medium.com/journalism-innovation/mile...

    Do blog "Jornalismo nas Américas" da Universidade de Texas em Austin
    https://knightcenter.utexas.edu/pt-br/blog/00...

    http://www.revistapiaui.com.br/

    http://niemanreports.org/articles/revitalizin...
    #18Verfasserhm -- us (236141) 15 Mai 16, 09:10
    Kommentar
    As the Federal Public Prosecuter asks for more arrests of top politicians, it is interesting to read Sergio Moro´s view.
    "Corruption, as an isolated crime, exists in any part of the world. But systemic corruption, the payment of a bribe as a rule of the game, isn’t really that common, and it represents a severe degeneration of public and private customs."


    Editor’s note: Moro is the federal judge overseeing “Operation Car Wash,” the historic investigation of corruption at Brazil’s state-run oil company Petrobras. This piece first appeared in Portuguese in Exame magazine, and can be seen here. The English translation has been lightly edited for clarity, context and length.
    More than two years after the start of the critical phase of the so-called Operation Car Wash, now is a timely moment for some reflections. These reflections do not necessarily apply to cases where judgment is still pending since, in a penal process, there are particular circumstances and criminal responsibility always depends on specific proof.
    Looking at the cases already judged, there have been to date about 10 rulings which were specifically related to crimes of corruption in contracts at Petrobras. In seven of them, the convicted were executives of the biggest construction companies (as corruptors), executives of Petrobras (as the beneficiaries of undue benefits) as well as intermediaries between these two groups.
    But the criminal scheme that contaminated Petrobras goes well beyond the corruption of those at the company. In at least two cases there was a conviction of ex-federal legislators who had received benefits from bribes agreed with Petrobras officials. In a third case, it was proven that money from the bribe had been directed to illicit financing of a political party.
    In a broader context, these ongoing disclosures had consequences beyond the penal process. Petrobras, assuming a posture of general denial during the first semester of 2014, when it did not recognize any problem of governance, gradually started to admit the crimes. This culminated in official recognition, in its 2015 report, of losses from corruption of nearly 6 billion reais ($1.7 billion in today’s dollars).
    Some of the construction companies began, to their credit, to recognize their responsibility. Two large companies reached leniency deals with the Federal Public Ministry, committing to reveal illicit acts, abandon criminal practices, implement efficient systems of compliance and compensate public coffers with more than 1 billion reais.
    However, this general summary doesn’t do justice to the drama of what happened. The most disturbing element was evidence that corrupt practices had become “naturalized” in the sphere of public contracts. The main indication is the fact that bribes were negotiated based on previously established rates, with a fixed percentage calculated on top of contracts – the so-called “X percent rule.”
    As a rule, the payment was 1 percent to 2 percent of bribes on top of contracts. In similar fashion, there were pre-existing rules regarding distribution of bribes among intermediaries, Petrobras officials and politicians or parties. To illustrate this, here is an excerpt from the interrogation of someone involved in the criminal scheme:

    PUBLIC MINISTRY: “When I asked about the payment of bribes, this expression ‘rule of the game’ that you used, exactly how did it happen?
    PERSON BEING DEPOSED: “The rule of the game I referred to is that there were no contracts at Petrobras in which there wasn’t an agreement for payment of these values to the directorate of supply and the directorate of engineering and services.”
    PUBLIC MINISTRY: “This was already a known rule, it was a known practice?”
    PERSON BEING DEPOSED: “It was a rule of the market.”

    Another sign of the scope of these schemes is the lack of more concrete answers regarding why bribes were paid. Even executives who confessed to payment had difficulty in clarifying why they acted that way, just as officials at Petrobras who confessed denied they had granted more concrete benefits to the corruptors.
    To further illustrate the magnitude of corrupt practices, a manager at Petrobras, after reaching a deal to collaborate with the authorities, returned, just by himself, nearly $97 million in bribes that he kept in secret accounts abroad. Another disconcerting fact was evidence that some people had a record of involvement in other criminal practices…
    All of these disturbing facts allow us to conclude that an environment of systemic corruption was uncovered. Corruption, as an isolated crime, exists in any part of the world. But systemic corruption, the payment of a bribe as a rule of the game, isn’t really that common, and it represents a severe degeneration of public and private customs.
    The cost of systemic corruption is enormous, not just for public coffers but for the economy and society in general. The most obvious is the cost of the bribe, which can reduce the profit margin for private entities or, more commonly, is transferred to public contracts, generating sizeable impacts for public budgets.

    Investors Scared Away
    More than that, though, the need to generate funds for bribes in systemic corruption schemes can affect investment decisions, generating even bigger losses.
    Perhaps some bad investments made by Petrobras during the period of systemic corruption can be explained not as the product of a bad but well-intentioned choice but, instead, as a choice by the involved parties to generate bribes rather than take the best decision from an economic point of view for the company.
    Extraordinarily high increases in costs of projects, such as that of the Abreu e Lima Refinery, from around $2 billion to $18 billion, can perhaps be understood in this context. Systemic corruption schemes chase away local and foreign investors. If the market is not clean, if it’s possible to cheat with bribes, potential investors that don’t want to become involved in criminal practices will be pushed away.
    Above all, systemic corruption schemes are damaging because they impact confidence in the rule of law and in democracy. If they law doesn’t apply to everyone, there is a progressive erosion of trust in democracy, with worrying collateral effects. Faced with a revelation of systemic corruption, what should be done? The judicial system must function.
    Crimes that are uncovered and proven must, respecting due process, be punished. Justice functions when the innocent person goes home and the guilty person goes to prison. The result should not depend on the economic or political conditions of the accused. There is still much to be done to advance in this respect.
    Yet Operation Car Wash, just as other recent cases, reveals that much can be done, even in the current system, as long as the problem is treated with seriousness. Justice cannot be make-believe, with cases that never end and guilty who are not punished.
    The adequate functioning of the criminal justice system is a necessary, though not sufficient, condition to eliminate systemic corruption. It’s necessary that other public institutions, executive and legislative, adopt public policies for the prevention and combat of corruption. Systemic corruption cannot be only a problem for the judiciary.
    The government is the main responsible party for creating a political and economic environment free of systemic corruption. The government, with greater visibility and power, teaches by example. Corrupt parties should be expulsed from public life.
    Better laws can be approved as much to hone the system of criminal justice as to increase the transparency and predictability of relations between the public and private sector, as well as to reduce incentives and opportunities for corrupt practices. Freedom of the press and access to information are essential.
    The control of the governors by the governed demands citizens who are well-informed regarding the management of public life. Private initiative has a relevant role. Corruption involves those who pay and those who receive. Both are guilty …

    The Role of the Private Sector
    Companies must do their homework: Saying no to the payment of a bribe, implementing different mechanisms of internal control and denouncing requests or demands for payment of a bribe. It’s also important to act collectively so that companies involved in corrupt practices are isolated from the market instead of assuming a preeminent position.
    Much can be done by private initiative, independent from the government. Two examples from outside Brazil:
    First, the famous “Operation Clean Hands,” the older Italian sister of Operation Car Wash, started with a businessman’s accusation that a director of a philanthropic institution in Milan had solicited a bribe in a public contract. It was the courage of a businessman that gave the initial push to the broadest and deepest judicial action ever known against a scheme of systemic corruption.
    Second, another example from the same country. In Sicily, where business suffered daily extortion from Cosa Nostra, businesses small and large joined forces in organizations such as Addiopizzo (“Goodbye, bribe”) and collectively and publicly refused to pay bribes.
    Much can be done, and it’s important to keep in mind that systemic corruption is a product of institutional and cultural weakness. No country is predestined to live with systemic corruption, since it’s not a natural phenomenon. Discovering it, even if it generates impacts in the short term, is not part of the problem but part of the cure. Once systemic corruption is discovered, necessary public policies should be adopted to overcome it. The problem cannot be resolved by sweeping it under the rug.
    Perhaps more than any other case in the past, because of the dimension of the facts that have been uncovered, Operation Car Wash provides Brazil with the opportunity to take the necessary steps to overcome this shameful practice. To do this, it’s necessary for action from public and private institutions. Acting together, it’s possible that systemic corruption will become a sad memory from a somber past, and that it will no longer represent the future of the country.
    #19VerfasserCARIOCA (324416) 07 Jun. 16, 18:46
     
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:-) automatisch zu 🙂 umgewandelt